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Then at last peace would be at hand, war would be vanquished, and discord subdued. Yet for poets as concerned as were Dante and Virgil with the harmonization of human history with the providential perspective of eternity, the problem of Mars could not simply be abstracted away into a neat astrological, musicological, metaphysical, or aesthetic paradox, or resolved by the momentary victory of the forces of love.
The Transfiguration of History at the Center of Dante's Paradise - PDF Free Download
Mars, the martial arts and martial violence were all too intimately bound up in the mythical origins of the city the fratricide of Romulus, the Catilinian war , its historical ascent Rome's imperial expansion, Florence's imperial service , and tragic fall Rome's civil ,wars, Florence's factional wars for any of the latter to be possible. Mars was, most troubling but inescapable of all, the founding father of Florence, Rome, and even Thebes-the principal dystopian model for the city of Dis in Dante's Hell.
This is in a sense the central paradox of the city narratives of Virgil, Statius and Dante: the city originates in Martial violence and yet its transcendent function is to maintain the social peace, a peace it must-all the more paradoxically-sometimes impose. Martinez exhaustively documents the place of Statius' Thebaid in Dante's urban representations, particularly in the first canticle. On Mars, see esp. Speculations on the themaRomae can be found in Varro and Cicero, among others, and were imitated in the Florentine chronicles, as in Giovanni Villani's Cronica 3. I, The notion of Libra as the sign of justice which stands in opposition to Mars and Martial signs such as Scorpio is a commonplace in astrological treatises.
See, for example, Restoro d'Arezzo, La composizione deJ manda 2. Here as in De Rerum Natura it is Venus and not Libra who provides the true symbolidgenealogical counterforce. Aeneas must found Rome so that the line of Trojan Venus may intermarry with the native line of Mars, bringing as Augustine was perhaps the first to point out the laws of Amor and Roma into euphonious accord.
The result, to judge from Anchises' description of Rome's ascent, shall be the absence of 'genealogical corruption: Aeneas, Ascanius, Albanus, Silvius, Romulus Their ultimate historical progeny will be the universal harmonization of mankind decreed by Providence from the very start: the Augustan reconstitution of Rome's originary Saturnian age, when the arts of Mars faithfully served under the rule of Reason and Love. But for every triumphal vision of empire without end, there is in Book 6 an equally haunting one of the tragic price: visions of rupture, meaningless suffering, but most of all war, interminable war.
Virgil contrasts each triumphalist prophecy with a representation of the persistence within history of a seemingly uncon- tainable sacrificial logic. The downward turn begins already at the gates of Phoebus' temple, onto which are etched the tragedy of Icarus, the yearly Athenian tribute of seven sons, and the tale of Ariadne's bestial offspring.
It is completed on an even more somber note: the terrible cries of mourning that sweep across the city of Mars at the loss of the young Marcellus, who could have been the most glorious of Rome's commanders, the envy of the gods, but was not. The father's parade of Mars's triumphant sons is recast as a procession of victims of Mars: lost sons, sons cremated before their fathers' own eyes, monstrous progeny, disfigured carcasses.
What war, what grief, will they provoke between themBattle-lines and bloodshed-as the father Marches from the Alpine ramparts, down From Monaco's walled height, and the son-in-law Drawn up with armies of the East, awaits him. Known to the reader of the Aeneid as the source of man's blind lust for the madness of combat the insani Martis amore of 7. Behind all natural and political corruption stands this wrathful Mars, perverting all erotic and semiotic order, and lows, are from the Oxford edition of Virgil's complete Opera edited by PapilIon and Haigh.
Is history then a zero sum? Does the rule of Mars condemn the history of the city to eternal cycles of peace and carnage' On these questions hinge all interpretations of Virgil's relation to the Augustan project as a whole. Answering in the affirmative, we follow the skeptical Virgil most recently emphasized in W. Johnson's Darkness Visible; in the negative, instead, the view that makes of Virgil an Augustan apologist.
Ultimately, however, such a state of suspense must be understood as an affirmative answer: history under the sign of Mars is essentially natural history-a seemingly endless succession of generative and degenerative cycles ungoverned by any higher principle than alteration itself. It is thus that before the ruina of Inferno 12 Dante has Virgil invoke the Empedoclean theory of history in the midst of another of his important misprisions of the Harrowing of Hell: Ma certo poco pria, se ben discerno, che venisse colui che la gran preda leva a Dire del cerchio superno, da tuttc parti l'alta valle feda trerna 51, ch'j' pensai che I'universo I, W.
Johnson, Darkness Visible: A Study afVirgit's Aeneid, "in the Aeneid there grows a constant impulse towards awful dualism that mocks the splendid unities of classical humanism, with its belief in an intelligible universe and in purposeful human activity inside the universe. In him we may perceive the scope and character of those aspirations to fulfilment which were stirring in the contemporary world and which had come into focus in the programme of the Caesars.
But this, in itself, by no means exhausts the significance of his work.
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For, while revealing the substance of the Augustan hope, Vergil at the same time disclosed its essential basis, relating it to a vast background of human history and giving it, indeed, a cosmic setting. While Virgil's statement is somewhat equivocal due to the noncommittal "e chi creda," it freely acknowledges its inability to find an alternative to Empedocles' endless cycles of eros and chaos, love and war.
Such a view brings us back to Lucretius' proem, implying that history is little more than flux and that its determining events, whether linked to the ascendancy of eros over chaos or vice versa, are fundamentally military. The forces of either Venus or those of Mars, whichever are strongest, rule the universe; a dualism which clearly encompasses the figures of Christ the Crucified "tremo si" and Christ the Harrower-the intrepid commander who seized the glorious prey "Ia gran preda" from Dite-as present in Virgil's description. In either event Harmonia, the most cherished progeny of Venus and Mars, remains elusive.
Virgil's Mars may accordingly be viewed as an epic avatar of the Boethian goddess Fortuna. Turning her wheel this way and that, Fortune too is forever upending the very foundations ofhuman history, though in so doing she always serves a providenti CHAPTER TWO unstable temporal perspectives, a site from which all of history's discordant events may be transcended and even harmonized.
All are in a sense Boethial"! Each is the paternal counterpart of Boethius' Philosophia, bearing a message of comfort and consolation to the son immersed in the violence of the earthly city. Yet there is a powerful countercurrent in Virgil's and Dante's texts that refuses this contemplative posture. The Boethian paradigm necessarily implies a partial abandonment of the Christian insistence on the meaningfulness and high drama of human history, as well as of Virgil's seeming belief in the providential design of Roman history.
This is what for Dante made the pagan Virgil a figure precisely comparable to the greatest Hebrew prophets: the conviction that behind the apparent circularity of Martial history lay a dialectical machine driving humanity as a whole toward a universal and climactic event. Dante dearly stands at the end of this. Nor could history appear as anything but a tragic circle, an empty exodus, when viewed in the son's strictly human terms. An external logic was required to give form and meaning to the text of history, an ordering from the perspective of eternity which could render the negativity of.
Mars productive. The locus of such a perspective would have to be above and beyond historical flux, while remaining accessible to history-bound man, so as to permit its active intervention in human affairs. This privileged site was for Virgil Elysium, for Dante Paradise, for Cicero the celestial Elysium of Plato's Republic, and it was from here that the eternalized genealogical fatherempowered with the dual authority of origins and ends--could articulate the perspective of eternity, open up the Book of the Future for his sons, and reveal to them both the precise character of their task and the rewards that would result from its accomplishment.
Only here can an interpretive conversion be completed which is structurally essential to the Aeneid and the Commedia: the son's symbolic rupture with the Book of Memory and its retrospective images of peace and home, and his adoption of the father's future perspective as his own.
Once this is accomplished, the father is no longer needed as an external support: the son is now fully empowered as the bearer of the holy paternal seed. Erasing the legendary Troy of Aeneas' fore bearer and the epic Florence of Dante's exemplary radice, Mars had rendered such a metamorphosis inevitable, indeed, largely conservative in character.
But certain resistances and symbolic obstacles remained, and with them the terrible burden of sadness and nostalgia. These only the father's prophetic intervention could truly conquer, and it is his intervention that serveS as the symbolic turning point in each of these texts. It is he who presides, through the pii vates et Phoebo digna locuti 6.
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And it is his authority that is at stake in the conversion of Aeneas to the father's comic perspectives. But can Apollonian vision truly rise up above the confusion of history under the rule of Mars? Can Apollo transform all of history's tragic signs into comic ones, make eternal gains of the son's tragic sacrifices and losses? Can man genuinely affiliate himself with eternity through Apollo? Despite the success of Aeneas' conversion-here Dante would have seen Christian hope secretly at work-for the Christian reader of the Aeneid the answer could only be "no.
In the preamble to the City oj God, Augustine refers to Anchises' climactic formulation of Rome's most exalted aspirations: tu regere imperio papulos, Romane, memento; hac tibi erunt artes; pacisque imponere morem, parcere subiectis et dcbellare superbos. Roman, remember by your strength to rule Earth's peoples-for your arts are to be these: To pacify, to impose the rule of law, To spare the conquered, battle down the proud.
Behind the humanist rhetoric exalting to the stars Rome's authority founded on reason, its model institutions of justice and law, lies an ever more tragic enslavement to the wrathful Mars. The scenario is much the same in another Christian account which was equally authoritative for Dante and the Middle Ages: Paulus Orosius ' apologetic continuation of the Augustinian antiAeneid, the Hisloria Adversos Paganos. Pagan history again unfolds under the exclusive hegemony of Mars.
Its motto is bella, horrida bella. The ideals of Ciceronian humanism and the accomplishments of Roman jurisprudence are mere bubbles in a sea of blood. For Dante there could be no radical antithesis between the laws of Roma and of Amor. The Augustinian formulation was at once too idealistic and toO skeptical. Placing the law of Christ resolutely above any conceivable political implementation, it was naturally led to express profound doubts concerning all human political institutions.
In his treatise on Monarchy. Dante sets out to construct in the hiatus between the two liminal Augustinian cities an actual historical-and not merely metaphorical-point of secular mediation: the universal Roman emperor "half-way between things corruptible and incorruptible" medium corruplibitium et incorruptibilium engaging Mars in the service of Christ, directly translating God's providential plan into historical action. Without an understanding of the genuine perspective of eternity implanted into history through the cross, Virgil and his characters-Dante always meshes their respective plights-were entrapped in the fatal circularity of Mars.
Listening to the voice of Apollo, they listened in reality to that of Mars; calling again and again for blood sacrifice 6. The language it speaks is that of madness: a Babelic dialect of circumlocutions, conundrums, palindromes, recursive phrases "bella, horrida bella" , and utterances with mutually self-cancelling meanings.
In promising at the beginning of Book 6 to bind these leaves to a stable institution-a shrine to Phoebus at the center of Rome-Aeneas looked forward to Christ's final restoration of semiotic order to the world, yet unaware of the true identity of Helios. The missing master-signifier of the Aeneid and yet its secret protagonist, the cross of Christ, could alone provide the basis, in Dante's view, for any fully adequate act of reading or interpretation. W Nor could the higher productivity at work beneath the negative surfaces of Martial history be fully known: whether the cataclysmic violence of Golgotha or Apocalypse, or the simple devastation of the epic cities of Florence, Thebes, and Troy.
Through the cross, Dante believed, a genuine perspective of eternity becomes available within human history that permits the full absorption of the catastrophe of Troy into the splendor of Rome, the fall of Roman Florence into the composition of a divine comedy, the negativity of Mars into the fullness of time which preceded Christ's birth. Such a hermeneutic conversion is after all the explicit point of the advent of Beatrice in canto 0 of Purgotory: the metamorphoSIS of a funerary cry "manibus date lilia plenis" [6.
LIke a Vlctonous prefiguration of the sol Christi which triumphs at the center, then at the two-thirds point canto 2 and then at the end of Paradise, Beatrice rises over the eastern horizon in a veil of light, resurrecting through love all the lost promise, the ancient honor "prisca fides" [6. The most important of these comes In Inferno Lewis and Short, Seeking in madness a guide to the otherworld, and through Quaeso, inquam, pater sanctissime arque optime, quoniam haec est vita, ut Africanum audio dicere, quid moror in terris?
Quin hue ad 3' vos venire propero? I ask you, do I linger upon earth? Why may I not hasten to come to you? Faced, furthermore, with the prospect of wars present, past, and future, haunted by the shades of their tragic victims and by the seeming arbitrariness of the laws of the Classical otherworldthe souls' hard and even, perhaps, unjust lot, their "sortemque animo The poor souls, How can they crave our daylight so?
Against the prison of the body and the nightmare of history under the rule of Mars, Virgil imagines an Elysium in that most urban of literary genres: the pastoral mode. Arcadia in Book 6 is all too uncanny a double of human history: a representation not of a radical otherness but of a fully recognizable sameness. All the joy they took, alive, in cars and weapons, As in the care and pasturing of horses, Remained with them when they were laid in earth.